How is the ragged scenario at Thapar

The Discourse of British and German Colonialism: Convergence and Competition 2020006614, 2020006615, 9781138333062, 9780429446214

Table of contents:
Cover
Half title
Series Page
Title Page
Copyright Page
Table of Contents
List of illustrations
List of contributors
PART I: Historical and theoretical perspectives
1. Cutting up the world pie and what happened next
2. Neither colonies nor colonialism? The early modern semantics of European expansion in German political economics (1700–1800)
3. Colonialism and diaspora in Imperial Germany
4 How are British and German colonizers positioned in the
digital corpus?
PART II: The ‘Scramble’ for Africa
5. Lighting the ‘dark’ continent: Metaphors of darkness and light in the writings of British and German explorers and missionaries 1865-1915
6. German imperialist images of the Other: A Sonderweg? Discursive representations of the imperial self in Wilhelmine Germany (1884-1919)
7. The continuities of colonial land dispossessions in Namibia under German and South African rule
8. ‘An inclination towards a policy of extermination’? German and British discourse on colonial wars during High Imperialism
9. German- and British-subject settler narratives from German East Africa
10. Stereotypical labeling of the Moroccan Goumiers in German colonial discourse
PART III: The ‘scramble’ for the wider world
11. Notes from the margins: The discursive construction of the Self and Other in the German Ostmark and Ireland. Discourses of internal colonialism and gender in the works of Käthe Schirmacher and Maud Gonne
12. Schooling of the tribal peoples of the Chota Nagpur region of India: Contested claims by German missionaries and British colonialists, 1830–70
13. Postcolonial discourse analysis: The linguistic fall-out from Imperial Germany’s colonialist past in China
14. British and German scientific exploration in the Asia-Pacific region as an alternative form of colonization
index

Citation preview

The Discourse of British and German Colonialism

This volume compares and contrasts British and German colonialist discourses from a variety of angles: philosophical, political, social, economic, legal, and discourse-linguistic. British and German cooperation and competition are presented as complementary forces in the European colonial project from as early as the sixteenth century but especially after the foundation of the German Second Empire in 1871 - the era of the so-called "Scramble for Africa". The authors present the points of view not only of the colonizing nations, but also of former colonies, including Cameroon, Ghana, Morocco, Namibia, Tanzania, India, China, and the Paci fi c Islands. The title will prove invaluable for students and researchers working on British colonial history, German colonial history and post-colonial studies. Felicity Rash is Professor of German Linguistics at Queen Mary, University of London. Her major publications include: The Language of Violence: Adolf Hitler's Mein Kampf (2006); German Images of the Self and the Other in German Nationalist, Colonialist and Anti-Semitic Discourse 1871–1918 (2012); and The Strategies of German Imperialist Discourse: The Colonial Idea and Africa, 1848–1948 (2016). Geraldine Horan is Senior Lecturer in German Language at University College London. Her research interests lie in feminist linguistics, discourse analysis, and political discourse. She is co-editor of Doing Politics: Discursivity, Performativity and Mediation in Political Discourse (2018, with Michael Kranert).

Empires in Perspective Series Editor: Jayeeta Sharma, University of Toronto

This important series examines a diverse range of imperial histories from the early modern period to the twentieth century. Drawing on works of political, social, economic and cultural history, the history of science and political theory, the series encourages methodological pluralism and does not impose any particular conception of historical scholarship. While focused on particular aspects of empire, works published also seek to address wider questions on the study of imperial history. British Imperialism and Turkish Nationalism in Cyprus, 1923-1939: Divide, De fi ne and Rule Ilia Xypolia A History of Italian Colonialism, 1860–1907: Europe's Last Empire Giuseppe Finaldi Liberalism and the British Empire in Southeast Asia Edited by Gareth Knapman, Anthony Milner and Mary Quilty Outskirts of Empire: Studies in British Power Projection John Fisher The First World War, Anticolonialism and Imperial Authority in British India, 1914-1924 Sharmishtha Roy Chowdhury Colonialism, China and the Chinese: Amidst Empires Edited by Matthew P. Fitzpatrick and Peter Monteath The Making of Modern Physics in Colonial India Somaditya Banerjee The Discourse of British and German Colonialism: Convergence and Competition Edited by Felicity Rash and Geraldine Horan

The Discourse of British and German Colonialism Convergence and Competition

Edited by Felicity Rash and Geraldine Horan

First published 2021 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2021 selection and editorial matter, Felicity Rash and Geraldine Horan; individual chapters, the contributors The right of Felicity Rash and Geraldine Horan to be identi fied as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Rash, Felicity J., 1954- editor. | Horan, Geraldine, editor. Title: The discourse of British and German colonialism: convergence and competition / edited by Felicity Rash and Geraldine Horan. Description: Abingdon, Oxon; New York: Routledge, [2020] | Series: Empires in perspective | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2020006614 (print) | LCCN 2020006615 (ebook) | ISBN 9781138333062 (hardback) | ISBN 9780429446214 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Colonies - Great Britain - History. | Colonies - Germany - History. | Colonies - Africa - History. | Political culture - Great Britain - History. | Political culture - Germany - History. | Imperialism. | Discourse analysis. Classification: LCC DA18 .D57 2020 (print) | LCC DA18 (ebook) | DDC 325 / .341 - dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020006614 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020006615 ISBN: 978-1-138-33306-2 (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-429-44621-4 (ebk) Typeset in Times New Roman by Taylor & Francis Books

Contents

List of illustrations List of contributors

vii ix

PART I.

Historical and theoretical perspectives 1 Cutting up the world pie and what happened next

1 3

FELICITY RASH AND GERALDINE HORAN

2 Neither colonies nor colonialism? The early modern semantics of European expansion in German political economics (1700–1800)

26

JONAS HÜBNER

3 Colonialism and diaspora in Imperial Germany

45

STEFAN MANZ

4 How are British and German colonizers positioned in the digital corpus?

58

ELISA ERBE, DANIEL SCHMIDT-BRÜCKEN AND INGO H. WARNKE

PART II

The ‘Scramble’ for Africa 5 Lighting the ‘dark’ continent: Metaphors of darkness and light in the writings of British and German explorers and missionaries 1865–1915

105

107

FELICITY RASH

6 German imperialist images of the Other: A Sonderweg? Discursive representations of the imperial self in Wilhelmine Germany (1884–1919) ALBERT GOUAFFO

128

vi

Contents

7 The continuities of colonial land dispossessions in Namibia under German and South African rule

140

PHANUEL KAAPAMA

8 ‘An inclination towards a policy of extermination’? German and British discourse on colonial wars during High Imperialism

163

ULRIKE LINDNER

9 German- and British-subject settler narratives from German East Africa

182

ELSIE CLOETE

10 Stereotypical labeling of the Moroccan Goumiers in German colonial discourse

199

MOULAY LMUSTAPHA MAMAOUI AND OTMAN BYCHOU

PART III

The ‘scramble’ for the wider world

213

11 Notes from the margins: The discursive construction of the Self and Other in the German Ostmark and Ireland. Discourses of internal colonialism and gender in the works of Käthe Schirmacher and Maud Gonne

215

GERALDINE HORAN

12 Schooling of the tribal peoples of the Chota Nagpur region of India: Contested claims by German missionaries and British colonialists, 1830–70

235

SUTAPA DUTTA

13 Postcolonial discourse analysis: The linguistic fall-out from Imperial Germany’s colonialist past in China

248

ANDREAS MUSOLFF

14 British and German scienti fi c exploration in the Asia-Paci fi c region as an alternative form of colonization

263

MARIE GÉRALDINE RADEMACHER

index

275

Illustrations

Figures 1.1 1.2 4.1 4.2

4.3 4.4 5.1 9.1

9.2

9.3

9.4

The 'Reiterdenkmal' was erected in 1912 accompanied by the memorial plaque Bust of Queen Victoria at Cape Coast, Ghana Trajectory of publication frequency per year for engl * / brit * titles in DSDK Covers of The Voice of German East Africa (1919, http: / / brema. suub.uni-bremen.de/dsdk/content/pageview/2045541) and Germany's right to recover her colonies (1919, http: // brema. suub.uni-bremen.de/dsdk/content/pageview/2031888 ) (Copyright: SuUB Bremen) Publications with title reference to Britain in DSDK according to fi elds of colonial agency Distribution of positive and negative evaluations over all texts Front cover of the anonymous pamphlet Quer durch den Dunkel Kontinent A photograph of Martha Pienaar with her daughter and grandchild probably taken in the 1930s (photographer unknown, published alongside her diary) Antonie and Carl Landgrebe in German East Africa two years after their arrival in 1910 (photo supplied by Landgrebe family) Map of Arusha (26.5 x 20.5 cm) in 1914 drawn by Carl Land grebe (supplied by the Landgrebe family). The key lists o ffi cers' accommodation, the askari barracks (middle left), the post o ffi ce, chemist, Bloom's hotel, a café, a forge, wagon shed, etc. In the lower left-hand corner is the Indian settlement (Inderdorf) close to the shops (lower center) Mittleres Pfanzungsgebiet [sic] des Süd-Kilimandjaro 1914. A scale map of farms allocated and cultivated around the Neu Moshi area south of Mount Kilimanjaro, 1914 (20.2 x 26.7 cm) (map provided by Landgrebe family)

18 19 65

66 67 68 120

183

184

187

189

viii

Illustrations

13.1 13.2 13.3

Carl Röchling, ‘The Germans to the Front’ (1902) Kladderadatsch, ‘Gute Freunde’ (1900) Kikeriki, ‘The future of China’ (1915)

250 251 252

Tables 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4

4A.1 4A.2 4A.3 4A.4 4A.5 4A.6 4A.7 4A.8 4A.9 4A.10 4A.11 4A.12 4A.13 4A.14 4A.15 4A.16 4A. 17 4A.18 4A.19 4A.20 4A.21 4A.22 5.1 5.2

Publications in DSDK making explicit reference to Great Britain (or England) in their titles German evaluations of Britain: verb phrases German evaluations of Britain: noun phrases German evaluations of the colonized: verb and noun phrases a. TOPOS OF LAW (RIGHT TOPOS) b. TOPOS OF RESPONSIBILITY c. TOPOS OF HISTORY (HISTORY-TOPOS) German evaluations of Britain: verb phrases German evaluations of Britain: noun phrases only (26 examples) but (21 examples) still (12 examples) already (9 examples) but (7 examples) probably (6 examples) yes (5 examples) always (3 examples) of course (2 examples) at all (2 examples) by no means (2 examples) actually (1 example) basically (1 example) apparently (1 example) even (1 example) actually (1 example) maybe (1 example) nevertheless (1 example) o ff enbar (1 example) Multipart commentary adverbials (6 examples) Linguistic metaphors and their concepts (Livingstone 1865 and 1874) Linguistic metaphors and their concepts (Henry Morton Stanley, Through the Dark Continent 1890 [1878])

62 70 71 74 86 86 87 91 93 94 96 98 99 100 101 101 102 102 102 102 103 103 103 103 103 103 103 104 104 112 115

Contributors

Otman Bychou is a teacher of English as a foreign language in Morocco. In 2014, he became a PhD candidate in interactions in literature, culture and society at Sultan Moulay Slimane University, Beni Mellal, Morocco. He has published several articles on Morocco’s experience during the Second World War. His research interests center mainly on memory and Moroccan participation in the Second World War. Elsie Cloete was Professor of English (Education) at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg until her retirement in 2018. She is now Honorary Research Fellow at the same institution. She has published extensively on women’s studies, post-colonial studies, ecocriticism, African autobiography, and settler colonialism. Sutapa Dutta teaches in the Department of English at Gargi College, University of Delhi, India. She is currently a Fellow at the Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla. She received her doctorate degree from Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. Her areas of research and publications are related to missionary writings, travel writings, women and empire, which include British Women Missionaries in Bengal, 1793–1861 (2017), Mapping India: Transitions and Transformations, 18th – 19th century (Routledge, 2019) , and British Women Travelers: Empire and Beyond, 1770-1870 (Routledge, 2019). Elisa Erbe is a research assistant and doctoral candidate in German linguistics at the University of Bremen, Germany. She received her MA from the University of Göttingen in 2011. She is working on a dissertation on German language during German colonialism in Qingdao (China) at the beginning of the 20th century. Albert Goua ff o is Professor of German Literature, Cultural Studies and Intercultural Communication at the University of Dschang, Cameroon. His academic interests include colonial literature and history, post-colonial theory, remembrance theory, and intercultural communication. He is coeditor of the periodical Mont Cameroun: Journal for intercultural studies on German-speaking countries. His recent publications include

x

Contributors Knowledge and culture transfer in a colonial context: The example of Cameroon-Germany (1884–1919) (2007) and Mémoires et lieux de mémoire: enjeux interculturels et relations médiatiques (2016, with Sylvère Mbondobari).

Geraldine Horan is Senior Lecturer in German Language at University College London. Her research interests lie in feminist linguistics, discourse analysis, and political discourse. She is co-editor of Doing Politics: Discursivity, Performativity and Mediation in Political Discourse (2018, with Michael Kranert). Her current projects include a monograph on the discourses of German anti-feminism (1900-25) and political insults in German and English. Jonas Hübner has been Post-doctoral Research Assistant in the Department of Early Modern History, Historical Institute of the University of Duisburg-Essen since April 2019. In 2018, he completed his PhD thesis on the management and use of rural commons in early modern Germany . Prior to this, he held the post of research assistant at the Historical Institute of the University of Duisburg-Essen. His research interests include the history of rural societies, the history of colonial expansion, social history, as well as intellectual and conceptual history. Phanuel Kaapama is Lecturer for Politics, Governance and Development Studies as well as Head of the Department of Political and Administrative Studies at the University of Namibia. His areas of research interest focus on the interface between politics, transitional justice, property rights, and land questions in post-settler colonial settings. He gives regular media and public commentaries on Namibian, African, and global politics. He is currently on secondment to the Office of the President working as Deputy Chairperson of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry into Ancestral Land Rights Claims and Restitution. Ulrike Lindner is Professor of Modern History at the University of Cologne. Her research interests lie in imperial, colonial, and global history. She has worked on the comparative history of European empires, particularly on British and German colonies in Africa. She has also addressed post-colonial approaches, issues of knowledge transfer between European empires and questions of colonial labor, and colonial social policy. Her publications include Colonial Encounters: Great Britain and Germany in Africa 1880–1914] (2011); Hybrid Cultures, Nervous States: Germany and Great Britain in a (Post) colonial World (2011, with Maren Möhring, Mark Stein, and Silke Stroh); Bonded Labor: Global and Comparative Perspectives (18th – 21st Century) (2016, with Sabine DamirGeilsdorf, Gesine Müller, Oliver Tappe, and Michael Zeuske); and New Perspectives on the History of Gender and Empire: Comparative and Global Approaches (2018, with Dörte Lerp).

Contributors

xi

Moulay Lmustapha Mamaoui is a teacher of literary and cultural studies in the Department of English, Sultan M. Slimane University, Morocco. He is author of a book on D. H. Lawrence entitled Myth and Ritual in D. H. Lawrence’s Novels. He is also author of a number of articles on this same novelist and on travelogues on Morocco by British writers such as Wyndham Lewis. His research interests focus principally on culture and English literature. Stefan Manz is Professor of German and Global History at Aston University, Birmingham. His elected positions include Fellow of the Royal Historical Society and Research Associate at the University of Pretoria in South Africa. His latest monograph publications include Constructing a German Diaspora.The ‘Greater German Empire’, 1871–1914 (2014, CHOICE Outstanding Academic Title) and Enemies in the Empire: Civilian Internment in the British Empire during the First World War (2020, with Panikos Panayi). Manz’s international impact work is funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council and communicates issues of civilian persecution during wartime to the wider public. Andreas Musol ff is Professor of Intercultural Communication at the University of East Anglia in Norwich. His research interests include pragmatics of intercultural and multicultural communication, metaphor studies, and public discourse. His publications include numerous articles and book chapters and edited publications as well as the monographs Political Metaphor Analysis: Discourse and Scenarios (2016), Metaphor, Nation and the Holocaust (2010), and Metaphor and Political Discourse (2004). He was Chairman of the Association for Researching and Applying Metaphor and Senior Fellow (2017-18) and Marie Curie Fellow of the European Union at the Freiburg Institute for Advanced Studies, University of Freiburg. Marie Géraldine Rademacher is a post-doctoral researcher at the University of Tokyo. Her current research focuses on travel literature on Japan written by European women such as Marie Stopes, Clärenore Stinnes, and Alexandra David-Néel. She is essentially interested in post-colonial studies, gender studies, and psychoanalysis. Her book Narcissistic Mothers in Modernist Literature has recently been published. Besides her research work, she is also a lecturer in the Department of English at Seikei University, Tokyo. Felicity Rash is Professor of German Linguistics at Queen Mary, University of London. Her major publications include: The Language of Violence: Adolf Hitler’s Mein Kampf (2006); German Images of the Self and the Other in German Nationalist, Colonialist and Anti-Semitic Discourse 1871–1918 (2012); and The Strategies of German Imperialist Discourse: The Colonial Idea and Africa, 1848–1948 (2016). She also works as a freelance translator and copy-editor. See also her Facebook page with eight albums of photographs of German historical sites in Africa: www.facebook.com/ Germans-in-Africa-1236724799747362 /

xii

Contributors

Daniel Schmidt-Brücken is currently working as a parliamentary editor at the State Parliament of Lower Saxony, Hanover. Until 2019, he was a postdoctoral researcher in German linguistics at the University of Bremen, Germany. He received his MA from the University of Göttingen in 2009 and his PhD at the University of Bremen in 2014 with a dissertation on linguistic genericity in German colonial discourses of the early 20th century. Ingo H. Warnke holds the Chair for German and Interdisciplinary Linguistics at the University of Bremen. His research interests include language in colonial contexts, specifically with reference to German colonialism, discourse analysis, and urban linguistics. He has published widely in those areas. He co-led the creative unit Language in Colonial Contexts ’at the University of Bremen and he is co-speaker of the Bremen collaborative research initiative Worlds of Contradiction’.

Part I.

Historical and theoretical perspectives

1

Cutting up the world pie and what happened next Felicity Rash and Geraldine Horan

In an article which appeared in the Kölnische Zeitung on April 22, 1884, three days before it was announced o ffi cially that Germany's first colony in Africa1 had been placed under the protection of the Imperial Government, Africa was compared with a large pie which the English had prepared for themselves at other people's expense. 'Let us hope,' said the writer, 'that our blue-jackets will put a few peppercorns into it on the Guinea coast, so that our friends on the Thames may not digest it too rapidly.' It is the purpose of this pamphlet to show how Germany, after some years of careful preparation and in spite of much opposition, finally succeeded in peppering the British pie in Africa by establishing four important colonies upon the African continent. (Lewin 1914: 3) 2

1 Introduction This volume explores the various connections and synergies between British and German colonialist discourses from the foundation in 1871 of the Second German Reich onwards, since this was the point in history when Germany and Britain first became serious rivals for world power. It o ff ers contributions relevant to the study of archeology, geography, literature, political science (the study of empire and geopolitics), sociology (the study of racism), and missionary history. The authors have understood discourse as social practice and human interaction in the broadest sense. We agree with Stuart Hall that "discourse" is "a group of statements which provide a language for talking about ... a particular type of knowledge about a topic", in particular within the context of ideological discourses (Hall 1995: 201). We take ‘discourse’ to mean more than linguistic statements, however, and to refer to ‘the practice of producing meaning’ (ibid.) Using all forms of communication, including actions. We therefore understand discourse analysis as transcending the study of individual (groups of) statements ’, and seek to determine the relationships between texts and developments over time within and between textual genres. Such analysis looks at linguistic manifestations of discourse as well as images and the modes of display of historical artefacts. It also takes account of the human actions, both individual and collective, which lie behind these phenomena.

4

Felicity Rash and Geraldine Horan

There are a number of reasons to compare British and German colonialism during the period of High Imperialism3 and within a global context. Britain and Germany were major players in the "Scramble for Africa" ​​and other, smaller, areas of competition. From the late nineteenth century they were still looking for new opportunities for overseas expansion, while the French, Spanish, Portuguese, and Dutch were becoming less active; Belgian interest in the Congo was largely a personal enterprise. Although Germany’s time as a colonial power was brief, its quick and extensive entry into the ‘Scramble’ made the British take an increased interest in the progress not only of Germany but of other colonizing nations in relation to its own ambitions. While Britain saw itself as in danger of losing its position of supremacy within the world and was particularly concerned that German interests would encroach upon India via its ports in East Africa, o ffi cial policies in relation to this threat changed over time. William Gladstone, who was Liberal prime minister from 1880 to 1885, believed it undesirable for Britain to seek more imperial responsibilities; Robert Salisbury, Conservative prime minister from 1886 to 1892, aimed to expand British overseas territories: his government allowed the greatest naval expansion ever in peacetime in Britain and oversaw the partition of Africa between Britain, Germany, France, Portugal, and Italy. While both Great Britain and Germany were in fl uenced by and had contacts with other colonizing nations during the period of High Imperialism, the fact that they occupied neighboring territories in South-West Africa (now Namibia) and South Africa and in East Africa (now Kenya and Tanzania) led to a relationship involving both rivalry and cooperation. It became as important to set boundaries, both territorial and political, as it was to interact across those boundaries on the best possible terms. Ulrich Brand and Marcus Wissen (2017) explain the relationship between Britain and Germany as it developed during nineteenth-century liberal capitalism within the context of a wider European globalism. As a dominant power at sea and the most modern European industrial center, Britain already had a major in fl uence over global fi nancial, communication, and trading structures, and the Berlin Colonial Conference con fi rmed common interests in global expansion and agreements as to the objectives and methods. The German Reich joined the globalizing nations, and German citizens increasingly participated in intercontinental migration, both transatlantic and to Africa. During the entire 'long nineteenth century' there was no getting away from the fact that British rule in India caused an imbalance of global power - this led to a certain amount of cooperation but also to tensions with Germany which grew stronger during the years leading up to the First World War; by 1914 Germany was the fourth largest European empire and ‘one of the major players in the process of globalization’ (Conrad 2011: 282). The truly global nature of British and German colonialism and their discourses is illustrated in the chapters of this volume which o ff er perspectives on European initiatives - missionary, political, scienti fi c, and cultural - China

Cutting up the world pie and what happened next

5

(Musol ff), Japan (Rademacher), India (Dutta), Morocco (Lmustapha Mamaoui and Bychou), Cameroon (Goua ff o), German East Africa, now Tanzania and Kenya (Cloete), South Africa (Lindner), South-West Africa, now Namibia (Kaapama and Lindner), southern Africa, Anatolia, Australia, Brazil and Russia (Manz), and Poland and Ireland (Horan). 1.1 A tangle of terminology The term 'colonialism' refers in its most general sense to the implanting of settlements by groups of people, a 'colony', on a territory which is distant from their home (Said 1993: 9; see Jonas Hübner in this volume) .4 When applied to European migrations from the discovery of the New World onwards, a 'colony' is increasingly seen as a region which is invaded and then ruled by foreign 'owners' after which it becomes a' newly created political entity '[new political construction] attached to a distant' motherland '(Osterhammel and Jansen 2012: 16). Jonas Hübner’s chapter in this volume traces the gradual change in the conception of a ‘colony’ as a group of people to that of a territory acquired by an organized power, often by force: by ‘colonization’. Osterhammel and Jansen add to this de fi nition the notion that colonizers, who are usually in a numerical minority, dominate colonized peoples and justify their actions by claiming their own cultural superiority over those peoples (ibid .: 20). 5 The term 'imperialism' refers to the formation of an empire under the control of a national state, often as an extension to an existing empire. Imperialism is di ff erent from colonialism in that it belongs to a wider system of Weltpolitik [world politics] according to which colonies are not ends in themselves but ‘Pfänder in global Machspiele’ [pawns in global power politics] (ibid .: 27). Eleni Kefala de fi nes 'colonialism' as a 'particular historical manifestation of coloniality, where' coloniality 'is seen as founded upon the racial classi fi cation of the world's population and as forming part of the basis of the worldsystem of capitalism' (Kefala 2011: 1) . Coloniality is a ‘thorough and farreaching global pattern of power’ that still persists today, creating vertical relations that lead to domination, con ict, and exploitation; colonialism is, more specifically, a form of political and administrative domination (ibid.). Foucault’s concept of a dispositif, also referred to as an ‘apparatus’, suitably fi ts colonialism since it incorporates the view that colonialism’s strategic function is always bound to power relations. Combining speech, thought, actions, and behaviors, it is an ensemble of heterogeneous elements, both spoken and unspoken: discourses, institutional and administrative mechanisms, laws, architectural installations, scienti fi c, moral, philosophical, and philanthropic theories. The dispositif is also the mesh which can connect these elements. Significantly, the type of connection made between the elements can function to justify, reinterpret, or mask speci fi c practices (Foucault 1978: 119f.). Giorgio Agamben extends the de fi nition of dispositif or 'apparatus' to include' literally anything that has in some way the capacity to capture, orient, determine, intercept, model, control, or secure the gestures, behaviors, opinions, or discourses of living beings '

6

Felicity Rash and Geraldine Horan

(Agamben 2009: 14). Ingo Warnke and Daniel Schmidt-Brücken accept Agamben's 2009 de fi nition of dispositif as pertinent for colonialism, since it combines multisemioticity, discursivity, materiality, power, and knowledge, in fact 'a heterogeneous totality, potentially everything imaginable' [a heterogeneous totality, potentially everything conceivable] (Warnke and Schmidt-Brücken 2017: 944). They rightly assume that it is insu ffi cient to examine colonialism from the point of view of particular themes, such as international trade, or events, such as the foundation of colonial associations, or time frames, such as 1884–1914 for Germany (ibid .: 945): the analysis of political language within its historical context is as important as that of non-linguistic features. Warnke and SchmidtBücken therefore stress the importance of a future 'theoretical expansion of event-oriented discourse history toward a dispositif-oriented pragmatics] alongside the collection, safeguarding and digitization of source material (ibid .; see also their chapter in this volume, which describes the methodology for the collection and analysis of corpora). For Homi Bhabha, the discourse of colonialism is also an ‘apparatus of power’ that creates cultural di erence in the service of discrimination and authoritarianism while purporting to reflect reality. Colonial discourse has one chief objective, according to Bhabha, and this is to create a fi xed and stereotyped image of colonized populations as inferior and ‘degenerate types on the basis of racial origin’ in order to justify conquest. It produces the colonized people ‘as a social reality which is at once an“ Other ”and yet entirely knowable and visible’ (Bhabha 1994: 70f.). For Michael Schubert, the Other has more to do with how one sees oneself, and so the Self can be described as "divided". This is pertinent to colonialism in that the ability to compare and contrast oneself with an alien or exotic Other can help one (re) discover the Self. This is the type of alterity ’which is seen by post-colonialist theorists as fundamental to the speci fi c way in which racist discourse produces and interprets its subjects; it is also the reason for the self being both drawn towards and repulsed by the other (Schubert 2011: 401). Albert Goua ff o's contribution to this volume shows, with particular reference to German colonialist discourse about Cameroon, that German colonialism was part of a Sonderweg or 'special path'.6 When speaking of this Sonderweg we tend to mean a thread which many historiographers see as connecting nineteenth- with twentieth-century German history. It is a particular political track which during the German colonial period in particular consisted of Germany's relative political backwardness, especially vis-àvis the United Kingdom [which] expressed itself in the failed bourgeois revolution, a feudalized bourgeoisie, and the political predominance of an aristocratic caste that controlled key institutions of government, including the army and bureaucracy. (Smith 2011: 24) 7

Cutting up the world pie and what happened next

7

Even though a latecomer to the European competition for colonies, the German Reich was situated by colonialism within a broader global context from 1871 onwards, the peculiarity of its ‘path’ lying in the di ff erent strategies that its lateness caused it to adopt. This ‘secondary colonialism’ was characterized by a desire to catch up with established colonial powers and compete with them while at the same time imitating them (Warnke 2009: 27). Colonial discourse thus played a vital role in the construction of German national identity. The concept of "internal colonialism", as explored in this volume with reference to the Ostmark [Eastern March], formerly German territory, now part of Poland, and to Ireland. "Colony" and "colonialism" are often seen as referring to geographically distant overseas territories, conceived in terms of the "core" power (i.e. the colonial power) and the periphery (the colonized territory) (see Blaut 1992). Michael Hechter’s de fi nition of internal colonialism expands upon this to include territories, such as Ireland, that are closer to the core, yet still su ff er some degree of economic dependency, as well as social and political disempowerment (Hechter 1975). These imbalances often lead to inhabitants of these territories perceiving themselves as a distinct entity, politically and culturally, and seeking independence from the core power (ibid .: 10). Historians Moses Finley and Stephen Howe, however, have criticized this expanded view of colonialism as too vague and generalizing, arguing that not all geopolitical relationships that involve political dependency and an imbalance in power can be labeled 'colonial' (Finley 1976; Howe 2002) . Conceptualizing a territory such as Ireland as colonial is problematic, according to Howe, as this is only one of several competing and con icting narratives about the political past and present of the country (Howe 2002: 7-10). In a similar vein, the German Ostmark occupies a marginal status, and in colonial terms can be categorized as what historian Kirsten Kopp refers to as a ‘gray zone’ (Kopp 2011). In her chapter, Horan focuses on the concept of the 'gray zone' in the discursive construction of the Ostmark and Ireland as colonial territories in the works of the prominent nationalists Käthe Schirmacher and Maud Gonne, and explores the parallels between the portrayal of the colonial Self and Other as both geopolitical and gendered constructs.

2 Historical background The age of European colonialism started in the fi fteenth century, with Britain, France, and Spain founding colonies in the Americas.Commencing in the mid-seventeenth century, the economic and political advantages of possessing overseas territories started to in fl uence German nationalist ideology. One reads, for example, in Johann Joachim Becher’s Politischer Discurs of 1669: ‘Well then, dap ff ere Germans, make sure that you fi nd in the map not only New Spain, New France, New England, but also the future New Germany. You lack intelligence and resolution to do such things as other nations ’[Bestir yourselves, then, brave Germans, take care that henceforth there be found on the map,

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besides New Spain, New France, New England, also New Germany. You are no more de fi cient in understanding or resolving to do such things than other nations] (quoted from Zantop 1997: 216). Before the late nineteenth century, however, the absence of a unified nation from which cultural and political in fl uence might spread meant that Germany could not operate from the same governmental and financial base as other European nations. While Germans were welcome to settle in British and Spanish colonies in particular, they often felt that they were contributing to the successes of the colonies of other nations without reaping the same rewards. German explorers were generally unable to raise funds for their own excursions into uncharted territories and joined British expeditions instead. The British valued German scienti fi c expertise and a largely cooperative relationship developed among explorers, such as that between Johann Reinhold Forster and James Cook on the second Paci fi c voyage of HMS Resolution between 1772 and 1775 (Forster 1778). Heinrich Barth joined a British expedition led by James Richardson as a scienti fi c o ffi cer between 1849 and 1855, the primary aim of which was to end the slave trade, but also to investigate trade routes to Central Africa. During the nineteenth century, the British Empire expanded into the largest in the world and as a result, Germany felt that it had been left behind. Pro-colonialist voices were already making themselves heard in 1848 in Germany at the time of the liberal revolution, when the first calls were made for an overseas expansion assisted by an ocean-going fl eet (Rash 2017: 16; see also Roscher 1856: 342 ). After the foundation of the Second Reich, a popular German ‘Kolonialbewegung’ [colonial movement] commenced. This was an era of both competition and collaboration between Britain and Germany which lasted until the outbreak of the First World War. Great Britain and Germany were the most obvious direct rivals of all European colonial powers during this period of increased globalization. While fostering their individual ambitions to gain and maintain prestige on the international stage, Britain and Germany also recognized the bene fi ts to be gained from sharing expertise. From 1879, however, proponents of German overseas expansion, such as Wilhelm Hübbe-Schleiden and Friedrich Fabri, both of whom were founder members in 1882 of the Deutscher Kolonialverein [German Colonial Association], wrote of the need for Germany to found overseas colonies as part of a national struggle for survival. Fabri wrote that German travelers had already explored Central Africa and that the fruits of their experience would be wasted if they were not followed up by colonization (Fabri 1879: 97). The solution was to found well-organized colonies supported by businesses and o ffi cial institutions, protected by a national navy. Germans should take a lesson from ‘our Anglo-Saxon cousins’ [their British cousins] who have bene fi tted spiritually from being a seafaring nation (ibid .: 43). Along with other supporters of the colonial movement, Hübbe-Schleiden was concerned that Germans should cease to be the fertilizer of peoples in other people’s colonies. He intended that ‘Germans would remain Germans’ in overseas diasporas (Conrad 2011: 284):

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One race of the world educates the other, one human tribe outlives the other, and which people does not take an active part in this further development will succumb in the struggle for existence. It will perish in the mud of the human race ... The world can use this labor force of our people and uses it everywhere and every day; they are only lost to us, the German fatherland. [One world race educates the other, one human tribe survives longer than the other, and the people that does not take an active part in this development will succumb in the fi ght for its continued existence. It will perish in the mire of the human race… The world can make use of our German workforce and makes use of it every day; it is lost only to our German fatherland.] (Hübbe-Schleiden 1879: 381) The notion of Germany as caught in a 'fi ght for survival' and competition for 'Lebensraum' against other European nations became a rallying cry for the conservative-nationalist Pan-German League, founded in 1891 by Ernst Hasse and examined by Albert Goua o in this volume. For Hübbe-Schleiden, Africa was terra nullius, or nobody’s country’8 and open to the European power best suited to cultivating both land and peoples, namely Germany. It lay fallow [‘lie fallow’], both in the literal sense of ‘remaining uncultivated’ and in the fi gurative sense of needing human civilization: ‘The most beautiful parts of our globe are still fallow and overgrowth in inexhaustible opulence, waiting for an educating human hand. And the German people have this human hand more than any other ’[The most beautiful parts of our planet lie fallow and are overgrown with infinite opulence, waiting for the care of a human hand. And the German people have such hands] (Hübbe-Schleiden 1879: 385). Needless to say, the British had long since formed an identical self-image. 2.1 Missionary activity Both British and Germans had seen themselves as belonging to the vanguard of Christian proselytizing from before the era when they became colonialist competitors. From the late eighteenth century onwards, British and German missionaries joined French, Dutch, Danish, and Swiss Christians on a largely apolitical, non-competitive basis. Such missionaries shared in the belief in the religious and cultural centrality of Europe in relation to the rest of the world and aimed to spread what they saw as a superior form of civilization to the nonEuropean world, thus increasing the wellbeing of the indigenous populations through improvements in health and education as well as saving souls. The most significant British and German religious organizations were Protestant: the London Missionary Society was active in southern Africa from 1799, likewise the British Methodists from 1816 and the Scottish Presbyterians from 1818; the Rhenish Missionary Society and the Berliner

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Mission [Berlin Mission], encouraged by British achievements, followed suit in 1829 and 1834, respectively (Latourettte 1967: 394-401). German missionaries also cooperated with the British Church Missionary Society in West Africa. The majority of Catholic overseas missions were led by French societies, but they were joined by some Portuguese, Spanish, Italians, and Germans. From the second half of the nineteenth century there was a surge in European Christian missionary activity throughout the non ‘Western ’world, inspired in large part by David Livingstone’s successes in Central Africa. Evangelists from Europe and North America exploited political and economic colonial expansion, particularly into Africa, to bring Christianity to indigenous populations (ibid .: 397). Cooperation between missionaries of various nationalities was common throughout the nineteenth century and became increasingly associated with colonialist endeavors as the century progressed. Many German missionaries trained at British missionary schools and cooperation between nationalities and di erent Christian denominations was necessary in the target nations. Just as David Livingstone advocated the linking of missionary and trade activities as a route of future prosperity for both colonizers and colonized peoples, missionaries and colonizers shared many interests on the ground, particularly in matters of mutual protection. Missionaries depended upon colonial administrations for the provision of infrastructure; administrators depended upon the missions to educate native interpreters; English or Pidgin were used as a lingua franca in many situations. From a post-colonial perspective, the methods of missionaries can be regarded as having been underhand and dishonorable, indeed some contemporary commentators were also aware of this. To illustrate this, Kwasi Kwarteng selects a quotation from Charles Robinson’s description of the protectorate of Nigeria, acquired by the British in 1898 (Kwarteng 2011: 285). Robinson quotes the words of a late Victorian schoolboy: Africa is a British colony. I will tell you how England makes her colonies. First she gets a missionary; when the missionary has found a specially beautiful and fertile tract of country, he gets all his people round him and says, ‘Let us pray,’ and when all the eyes are shut, up goes the British flag! (Robinson 1900: 106) Robinson responded to this view with the admonition that the 'protectors' should ensure that when the eyes of the' protected 'reopen they' appreciate the signi fi cance of the raising of that fl ag 'and' have reason to be grateful for its presence '(ibid .: 106). Gert von Paczensky describes a similar state of a ff airs in German SouthWest Africa, where the Rhenish Mission controlled the population from 1844 onwards, i.e. Before it was colonized by Germany and therefore protected by a protection force, by setting the tribes against one another. The missions traded with native Africans, including in guns, and were as intent

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on political control as on spreading the gospel well into the era of o ffi cial German colonization; according to Paczensky, missionaries even failed in their Christian duty during the genocide of the Herero-Nama War of 1904-8, behaving more like colonizers than men of God (Paczensky 1994: 267f.). One reads that things were di ff erent in German Togoland. From the German point of view, Togoland was a model colony and an example of sympathetic methods of spreading Christianity. In particular, the Bremen and Basel missions are known for having learned and codified African languages, most notably Ewe, not only in order to spread the word of God, but also as a means of respecting native culture. But the missionaries were still a colonizing ‘Other’ and, as Osterhammel and Jansen point out, generally displayed great cultural arrogance towards people whose souls, intellects and physical health they were supposed to improve (Osterhammel and Jansen 2012: 102). Despite the existence of a humanitarian missionary Left ’(ibid.), Most missions supported the colonial annexation of land which they wished to Christianize. Germans in particular tended to support the views of their colonial administrations that indigenous Africans should be educated only to elementary level, since they did not have su ffi cient intellectual capacity to assimilate complex concepts. This view was held even by liberal missionaries, such as Michael Zahn, head of the Bremen mission in Togo from 1862 until 1900, who believed that for a true civilization to be possible, native culture should survive, but did not support the full equality of native peoples (Ahadji 2010: 196-8). Sutapa Dutta's chapter in this volume describes attempts in the mid-nineteenth century by British administrators and German missionaries to 'civilize' the tribal peoples of the Chota Nagpur region in north-eastern India by introducing Western education, thus removing them from a 'primitive' stage of development and integrating them into mainstream colonial civilization. The methods used for such civilizatory e orts were comparable with those employed in the colonized world as a whole. 2.2 The 'Scramble for Africa': convergence and divergence 1884-1914 If one accepts Thomas Pakenham's view that the so-called 'Scramble for Africa' began with David Livingstone's mission to Central African and his call, before he died in 1873, for Europeans to 'help to heal the open sore of the world' which was the Arab slave trade on the East African coast (Waller 1874, I: 182), then the primary aim of the Scramble was for 'trade, not the gun' to liberate Africa (Pakenham 1991, xxiv; see also Latourette 1967: 397). Livingstone hoped that Christianity, civilization, and commerce would put an end to the gloom slave trade ’(Livingstone and Livingstone 1865: 591). He did not foresee that the initial drive by freelance explorers to bring the European brand of civilization to Sub-Saharan Africa and then to exploit its resources for economic gain would later be expanded into state policies to partition Africa between European powers, and that this would lead to a political power struggle and the eventual involvement of guns.

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For John Scott Keltie, the widespread international interest in Central Africa and the Congo, before the ‘Scramble’ proper, started with Henry Morton Stanley’s Through the Dark Continent of 1878 (Keltie 1972: 10). In the preface to his The Congo and the Founding of Its Free State (1886), Stanley himself quotes from a letter sent to him in July 1878 from the French politician, Léon Gambetta: You have thrown the light of knowledge on what you have well described as the Dark Continent. Not only, sir, have you opened up a new Continent to our view, but you have given an impulse to scienti fi c and philanthropic enterprise which will have a material e ff ect on the progress of the world ... What you have done has in fl uenced Governments. (Stanley 1886: vi) This echoes Stanley’s stated aim of opening up the Congo for philanthropy and commerce. In Britain, politicians believed that the French were incapable of colonizing and the Germans were not interested (Louis 1967: 3). Their response to King Leopold II's Brussels Geographic Conference of 1876 and his invitation to Stanley to help him 'civilize' the Congo region was, according to Stanley, half-hearted, and Leopold's foundation of the International Congo Society in 1879 was largely ignored (Stanley 1886: 36). The German response was more enthusiastic: the African Society in Germany was formed in 1876, and, following a change of heart on the part of Chancellor Bismarck with regard to the desirability of a German colonial expansion, the Berliner Kongokonferenz (referred to in English as the Berlin Conference) was held between 15 November 1884 and 26 February 1885. This led to what Keltie has called Germany's 'apparently inexplicable outburst of colonizing zeal' (Keltie 1972: 17) - at least in the view of the British at the time. In 1884, the first German colony was founded with British approval in South-West Africa and in the same year Gustav Nachtigal, imperial commissioner for West Africa, created the German Protectorate of Cameroon. In February 1885, a Charter of Protection was awarded to Carl Peters' German East African Society by Kaiser Wilhelm II (Peters 1906: 93f., Where the charter, signed by both the Kaiser and Bismarck, is reproduced in full). According to Ulrike Lindner's sources, Germany's joining the Scramble marked an acceleration in a movement towards globalization, the High Imperialism which came to be dominated by Britain and Germany, accompanied by the paradoxes associated with the advantages of global communications on the one hand and the problems of burgeoning nationalisms on the other (Lindner 2011: 15). When Germany first entered the race to possess colonies she was aware of her role as a newcomer and tended to look to Great Britain as a model with which to compare herself and, where appropriate, to emulate. Occasionally, more nationalistically inclined discourse makers made a plea to see Britain as an enemy that threatened Germany’s very existence, and the motif of ‘Sein oder nicht sein’ [to be or not to be] made an appearance. The

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13

German perception of British colonial practice was, however, generally positive, at least at first. The British were seen as experienced colonizers; the Germans saw themselves as less experienced but with the ability to catch up. The British, for their part, paid less attention to German colonialist ambitions than the other way round (Lindner 2011: 65). Initially they welcomed 'the development of the Teuton abroad' in West Africa, especially in the 'sterile sand hole' of South-West Africa, but they were less relaxed about a German presence in East Africa, which could obstruct British access to its valuable Indian territory (Louis 1967: 4). In 1885, the British prime minister William Gladstone told Parliament that as far as Germany’s colonial ambitions were concerned ‘we should meet her with no grudging spirit’; the opinions expressed in various press articles were, however, less accommodating, and concern was also expressed at the speed with which Germany was expanding (Lindner 2011: 67). 2.3 After 1900 From the turn of the twentieth century, British colonial discourse in particular highlighted speci fi c events in the colonies which attracted the attention of interested parties and changed the relationship between Britain and Germany. Most importantly, the view was propagated that there should be a fair partition of Africa between Britain and Germany. The Boer War (1899-1902) posed a particular problem for the British because it became necessary to dissuade Germany from participating on the side of the Dutch.The Germans were appeased with a promise that if the Portuguese colonies were to su ff er bankruptcy, Germany and Great Britain would share out the Portuguese territories, with northern Mozambique and northern and southern Angola going to Germany and central Angola and southern Mozambique to Britain (Louis 1967 : 26). British views on the German handling of the Herero-Nama uprising (1904–6) were ambivalent. On the one hand, British press reports criticized the Germans for the inability to control their colony and their brutal suppression of the revolt; on the other hand, there were some expressions of sympathy for the Germans ’misfortunes. The British were in any case able to congratulate themselves on their superiority as colonizers and their more humane methods (Lindner 2011: 74). Following this bloody war, German policy underwent reform, with the goal of a more humane approach, embracing ‘cultural-missionary ideals’. Colonial secretary Bernhard Dernburg recommended that the colonies and their people should be exploited for the pro fi t of both colonizing and colonized peoples, albeit in a very unequal exchange of bene fi ts: 'the utilization of the soil, its treasures, flora, fauna and above all of the people in favor of the economy of the colonizing nation and this (is) obliged to give in return its higher culture, its moral concepts, its better methods' [making use of the land, its treasures, its flora and fauna, and above all its people , in the service of the colonizing nation; in return, the colonizers will be obliged to share their higher culture, their moral concepts and their superior methods] (quoted from Rash 2017: 20).

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Right up until the outbreak of the First World War, both British and German Foreign O ces sought to maintain a good relationship. From the Boer War onwards, it was popular daily newspapers, such as the Daily Mail, that fanned public opinion to turn against Germany, and German nationalist propagandists such as Heinrich Claß, head of the Alldeutscher Verband [Pan-German League] from 1908, portrayed Great Britain as a greedy enemy intent on destroying Germany. Claß’s newspaper articles and his If I were the Kaiser of 1913 were particularly provocative to the British and, writing at the beginning of the First World War, C.L.R. Fletcher accused the League of causing the war (Fletcher 1914b: 14). Fletcher quotes at length from an article in the League’s Alldeutscher Blätter, written by K.F. Wol ff, which claimed that: 'It is unjust that a rapidly increasing master-race should be struggling for room behind its own frontier while a declining inferior-race can stretch its limbs at ease on the other side of that frontier' (1914b: 27 ). Fletcher’s conclusion was: They are coming to get our colonies, which are fi lled with Germans because no German will go to their own ’(Fletcher 1914a: 23). After the first few months of the First World War, any British views of Germany as a suitable world ruler vanished. By 1916, Germany had lost all of its territories apart from German East Africa, which fi nally capitulated on 25 November 1918: it was envisaged that at the end of the war former German territories in Africa and the Paci fi c would be absorbed into South Africa, Australia , and New Zealand (Louis 1967: 41). Germany did not, however, cease to see itself as a global player, and its aspiration to remain in the game did not cease after it lost its colonies at the Treaty of Versailles. A discourse of colonialist desire and also of self-justification continued well into the Second World War (see, for example, von Lettow-Vorbeck 1920, Leutwein 1937, and Diel 1939). In 1940, Margarethe von Eckenbrecher was already looking forward to an end to the South African mandate in South-West Africa and a glorious German return to power. German pro-colonial ideologues saw Britain and the United States, major architects of the Treaty of Versailles, as the chief obstacles to their regaining their lost colonies.

3 British and German colonialist attitudes and methods 1884–1914 Colonialism is a dispositif which builds and builds upon the self-image of the colonizers and the construction of images of the colonized ‘Other’. During the period of High Imperialism, the building of both British and German selfimages as colonial overlords involved parallel and similar discourses. While British and German colonialists strived for similar identities, they frequently sought to keep these distinct from one another and this led to tensions between what the two sets of colonizers had in common and what separated them. Ulrike Lindner calls this an ‘entangled history’, a mixture of entwinement and rivalry (Lindner 2011: 24). What Britain and Germany had in common was their feeling of superiority toward the colonized peoples and their aim to fi nd the best way to control them. What the colonized people had

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in common was that being colonized was the same whoever was doing it. There were also di erences within nationalities as to whether colonial policy was a matter of discussions taking place in the motherland (eg about the extent to which colonization was a 'civilizing mission', a notion more favored by the British side than by Germany) or ways of living in the colonies themselves. As far as the latter situation was concerned, British and German colonial administrators and entrepreneurs living in bordering territories inevitably cooperated (ibid .: 100). Whereas the British were an early model for the German latecomers in respect of setting up colonial administrations, trading routes, and businesses, German colonizers gained experience and put their own imprint upon colonized territories. Britain soon became a student as well as a teacher, in particular in matters of infrastructure and science (Lindner 2011: 459). During the decade leading up to the First World War in particular, colonialism became a global concern, with knowledge being shared among colonizers, especially in matters of transport and telecommunication networks, medical, and other scienti fi c advances. Lindner’s thorough documentation of British and German interactions and di ff erences during High Imperialism explains that despite a tendency towards a stereotyping of the British as liberal and the Germans as authoritarian colonizers, this is an overgeneralization. A wide variety of complex factors was involved, both in respect of colonialists in the homelands and of colonizers on the ground (Lindner 2011: 466). A number of common stereotypes were, however, current even before the 1880s: the British saw the typical German as thorough [thorough], militaristic, and bureaucratic, while the German idea of ​​the British was of their being fundamentally easy-going, tolerant, and slapdash (ibid .: 85). The Germans saw themselves as peaceful and well organized, while the British saw themselves as peaceful and humane (Conrad 2012: 2). Once the British and Germans were in competition as colonizers, the British judged the Germans to be too in fl exible to be pragmatic and successful in their colonial rule, while the Germans believed that the 'laissez-faire' attitude of the British would inevitably lead to problems in controlling their colonies (Lindner 2011: 86). The British and the Germans shared attitudes towards the colonized "Other" in many respects. It was important for all colonizing Europeans to maintain the prestige associated with being colonial masters. As latecomers on the colonial scene, German colonizers had access to a set of new theories on race which had not been current when the British first set up their colonies. This led to somewhat different racist practices and laws in the two types of colony. While most Europeans eventually subscribed to the newer view of black people as biologically inferior human beings, the British had more experience than the Germans of such things as racial mixture resulting from mixed-marriage and cohabitation, and some, at least, were inclined to tolerate a variety of inter-racial relationships. The Germans, for their part, were more inclined to accept social Darwinist theories regarding the superiority of the white race ’and practiced a rule of colonial di erence’ which included strict

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laws against inter-racial marriage (Conrad 2012: 4; see also Albert Goua ff o’s chapter in this volume and El-Tayeb 2001: 92-108 on laws pertaining to racial mixture and German citizenship). The Pan-German League, which was chie fl y interested in colonial politics from the point of view of fi nding Lebensraum for German citizens, also decried mixed marriages in the colonies (Hasse 1907: 61). When Ernst Hasse wrote in 1907 'Our future is in our blood!' [Our future is in our blood!] (Ibid .: 46), he had not only Jews and Poles in mind as 'races' whose blood should not be mixed with that of pure-raced Germans, but colonized peoples. The British and Germans to some extent had di erent ideas on what constituted a danger to the colonial order [orderly management of the colonies]. According to Ulrike Lindner, too great a leniency toward the black Other created not only a disruption of a natural racial hierarchy but also of the normal gender hierarchy in European households (Lindner 2011: 321). On the whole it was most convenient for colonizers to accept the view that the civilizing mission ’had its limitations and that colonized peoples were incapable of becoming equal to Europeans in culture or intellect. It was obvious to them that it was right and necessary to control the native peoples and it removed the need to justify subjugation and the limiting of full access to education for indigenous peoples (ibid .: 310). There is little evidence in discourse of the attitudes of the colonized peoples toward their rulers, but we can only imagine that these were not identical with those claimed by the colonizers. Both British and German colonizers liked to imagine that they were good colonizers ’, loved and respected by their subjects, and this is what they claimed in much of their discourse. Modern scholars who wish to reconstruct this historical period from the point of view of colonized peoples have a di ffi cult task, since it is not common for history written by the powerful to give a voice to the powerless and less well educated. A few published women’s diaries showed their writers willing to observe and describe Africans as individuals rather than as a uni fi ed black Other, and to exhibit more empathy toward them than their male counterparts, possibly due to their own inferior social status. They never, however, conceived of black women as equals (Rash 2017: 134). From 1900 onwards, anti-colonialist sentiments were evident and increasing in both Britain and Germany, especially among socialists and certain religious groups. An increasing number of political crises, wars against indigenous peoples, and scandals involving colonizers and their military defenders caused some misgivings in the homelands as to whether colonies could be justi fi ed, and the debate over the political and economic usefulness of colonization took on an increasingly global perspective (Stuchtey 2010: 220-3). The ‘Fall Peters’ [Carl Peters A air] serves as an example of the damage that could be caused within one nation by the misdemeanor of an individual. Peters fought back against his critics with all his might until his death in 1918, calling anti-colonialists philistines, pedants, Spießbürger [bourgeois], and Krähwinkler [rednecks] (ibid .: 248). On the British side, critics were more interested in larger-

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scale scandals, such as concentration camps in South Africa, which triggered global concern from 1901 onwards. British and American critics claimed that colonialism harmed not only colonized populations but also those at home who had to pay for increased militarism (ibid .: 368f.). Missionaries were among the groups of critics who were particularly vocal on the negative e ects of colonialism upon colonized populations. Robert Streit’s memoir Ein, Opfer der Hottentotten (1907), tells of a visit to the missionary Franz Jäger in German South-West Africa shortly after the HereroNama uprising. Jäger tells Streit that greedy and incompetent colonizers have taken over regions of the world named ‘nobody’s country’ by the Europeans who drew the maps, and have brought problems rather than enlightenment to indigenous Africans. Streit told the often unpopular truth about colonized regions which were not terra nullius but already occupied: Da das black Volk lived. There - a few centuries ago - the map was still a blank sheet. And then the whites came and took the card in hand and confidently placed it on the table in front of us, like a professor who wants to give lessons. ... And some said: 'This is mine!' - and the others said: 'This is mine!' [Black people lived there. A few centuries ago that part of the world was still a white space on the map. And then the white people came along. They took the map and placed it self-importantly on a table like a professor giving a lecture… And some said: 'That's mine!' - and others said: 'That's mine!'] (Streit 1907: 80f.) Despite this criticism , Jäger believes that was Europeans who had to help Africa into a state of Christian civilization.

4 Post-colonial matters Anti-colonialism and decoloniality have become issues of increasing importance in recent years. Places and roads in former colonies have been ‘decolonized’, i.e. renamed, and statues of prominent colonialists and symbols of colonial power hidden or destroyed. The movements 'Decolonize Berlin' and 'Rhodes Must Fall' have, for example, called for the renaming of Petersallee, Nachtigalplatz, and Mohrenstraße in Berlin-Mitte and the removal of statues of Cecil Rhodes from university campuses, starting with the University of Cape Town. The o ff ensive Reiterdenkmal ’, listing fallen German‘ heroes ’without any mention of the tens of thousands of slaughtered Herero and Nama people, has been moved from its former very public position in the center of the Namibian capital, Windhoek. A seemingly abandoned (or at the very least not prominently positioned) bust of Queen Victoria at Cape Coast in Ghana illustrates a general lack of interest in colonial history on the part of residents of the former British colony. A question to

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Figure 1.1 The ‘Reiterdenkmal’ was erected in 1912 accompanied by the memorial plaque

one of the authors of this chapter from a young colleague at the University of Legon, Accra, makes one wonder how many Ghanaians know or care who Victoria was: he asked if it was Queen Victoria who visited Ghana in the 1970s. One might speculate that decoloniality is at play here. The inhabitants of former colonies are increasingly taking charge of their own histories and the processes of decoloniality. One has to understand that decolonization has not yet succeeded in removing coloniality, which is not to be confused with colonialism and survives in the long-standing patterns of power that emerged as a result of past direct colonization (Ndlovu-Gatsheni 2013). Decoloniality involves eliminating the post-colonial myth that destroying colonial administrations would decolonize the world. It involves the decolonization of knowledge, power, and identity, and retelling the history of humanity and knowledge generation from a democratized, de-Westernized, de-hegemonized perspective (ibid .: 14). The African experience is especially pertinent:

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Figure 1.2 Bust of Queen Victoria at Cape Coast, Ghana

What Africans must be vigilant against is the trap of ending up normalizing and universalizing coloniality as a natural state of the world. It must be unmasked, resisted and destroyed because it produced a world order that can be sustained through a combination of violence, deceit, hypocrisy and lies. (Ndlovu-Gatsheni 2013: 10) Research bodies such as the Africa Decolonial Research Network and the Archie Mafeje Research Institute, both based at the University of South Africa, play a vital role in knowledge generation and the promotion of decolonial thinking. Recent years have seen a welcome but limited movement away from the analysis of colonial history by the descendants of former colonizers toward the mainstream publication of research by the descendants of the colonized peoples, especially where Germany is concerned. A splendid, richly illustrated publication accompanying an exhibition on colonial history at the German Historical Museum in Berlin (2016) contains contributions by Flower Manase Msuya on

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Felicity Rash and Geraldine Horan

Tanzania, Patrice Nganang on Cameroon, Gilbert Dotsé Yigbe on Togo, Wazi Apoh on German Togoland (now Ghana), Damien Rwegera on Rwanda, Malama Meleisea and Penelope Schoe ff el on Samoa, and Yixu Lü on Qingdao. H. Nii-Adziri Wellington’s 2017 history of the Danish settlement of Accra has received international acclaim for its style, which adopts the traditional African tradition of story-telling and employs an omniscient semi-mythical narrator. The Ghanaian archaeologist Wazi Apoh is currently investigating the residues of colonial competition and convergence in the same locations or contexts in former German and later British Togoland, now the Volta, Oti, and North-East regions of present-day Ghana. Many excavation sites, such as the colonized sites of Ho, Kete-Krachi, Kpando, and Amedzofe in the Volta Region, reveal tangible and intangible residues of colonial entanglements within what Apoh terms ‘palimpsest archaeological contexts’. Apoh’s excavations shed light not only on the commercial and missionary activities of the colonizers but on their everyday lives. They also illustrate the e ects of European colonization upon indigenous cultural and religious practices, precolonial settlement structures and architecture, and indigenous institutions and technologies (Apoh 2014, 2016: 97).A disturbing matter to be kept in mind, however, is the continued denial of colonial wrong-doing on the part of a small number of "researchers", such as the Namibian farmer Hinrich Schneider-Waterberg. A particular area of ​​contention is the topic of German cruelty toward and intended genocide of the Herero and Nama peoples during the uprising of 1904-7, which Schneider-Waterberg claims to have been greatly exaggerated (Schneider-Waterberg 2005). Research by Olusoga and Erichsen provides historical evidence and photographic material to prove the extent of the genocide (Olusoga and Erichsen 2010). Demands for reparations would appear to be justified - the likes of Schneider-Waterberg claim that reparation payments would demean the recipients (Schneider-Waterberg 2005: 22).

5 Conclusion This chapter has shown the value of examining British and German colonialism in comparative perspective, a perspective which is taken up by the chapters which follow. It will be seen that both Britain and Germany played significant roles in globalization from the late nineteenth to the early twentieth centuries and that, initially at least, cooperation predominated, since mutual recognition and collaboration bore fruit for both parties. The notion of a "common goal" as colonizers weakened and tensions increased until they came to a head at the beginning of the First World War. The present volume as a whole contributes to the ways in which past colonial practices can be reexamined with a view to increasing understanding of the legacy of the past in a modern world which is still experiencing the negative e ects of 'Western' world hegemony - a hegemony which in many ways is continuing and mutating to cause new global problems.

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Our common goal as post-colonial societies must be to learn from our shared pasts. Repatriation of stolen artefacts is essential but inadequate. It is no more than window-dressing, a way of downplaying the responsibilities of former colonizing nations (Habermas and Lindner 2018). The voices of descendants of formerly colonized peoples must be heard, and their research must be made more widely accessible. Wazi Apoh summarizes this point of view most aptly. He calls for a multidimensional and intercultural dialogue to form a basis for improved academic, political, and economic connections. The Eurocentric perspective that still dominates research into the legacy of colonialism must be rebalanced (Apoh 2016: 98). In order to achieve this, residents of former colonies must be able to travel and participate in the world-wide post-colonial discussion, and more funding must be made available for events to be held in former colonies. This volume has been made more complete through the contributions of two scholars from African countries who were unable to attend the conference: 'The Discourse of British and German Colonialism: Convergence and Competition', held in London in September 2018: a key-note speaker who was refused a visa to enter the United Kingdom, and a speaker who was unable to gain financial support. At the end of this chapter we return to the image of the world as a pie to be cut up and portioned out by Europeans. We recognize that the inhabitants of former colonies have ingredients of su ffi cient quantity and quality to bake their own pie and enough knowledge to cut it up and distribute the portions appropriately.

Notes 1 This was German South-West Africa. 2 The German original reads as follows: ‘Africa was recently compared to a large pudding that the English prepare at the expense of everyone else and that would be ready to eat on the edge. We want to hope that our blue jackets add a few grains of pepper to him on the Guinea coast, so that our friends on the Thames don't digest it too quickly ’(Kölnische Zeitung, April 22, 1884: 2). 3 The period following the foundation of the German Second Reich until the outbreak of the First World War is often referred to as ‘High Imperialism’ (German Hochimperialismus). It was characterized by increasing competition between Britain and Germany. 4 The term "colony" (German colony) derives from Latin colere (to cultivate, inhabit) via colonia "farm, settlement" and colonus "farmer, settler". The Oxford English Dictionary documents colony in two major senses. The first is that of "farm, landed estate, settlement", first attested in 1566; the second is colony II, 4a and 4b, in the more modern sense of ‘a settlement in a new country; a body of people who settle in a new locality, forming a community subject to or connected with their parent state ’and‘ the territory peopled by such a community ’, attested from 1612 with reference to Ireland as an English colony. For German, the earliest detailed reference to a Colonie is to be found in Adelung’s Grammatical-Critical Dictionary (1793): Die Colonie: ‘a place that has been cultivated by foreigners; a city of plants, plants, such as the English colonies in America are ’. Grimm does not document

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5 6 7 8

Felicity Rash and Geraldine Horan Colonie or Kolonie, but P plantung 4 is listed as settling, colonie, attested from the eighteenth century, and planters ’:‘ People who move out to found a colony or live in the same place, the entirety of the colonists ’. The Oxford English Dictionary de fi nes colonialism 1 as 'the practice or manner of things colonial' as in use from 1864, and colonialism 2 as 'the colonial system or principle' from 1886. See also Conrad, who refers to Germany's 'peculiar path' ( Conrad 2011: 282); until 2012 monograph further de fi nes ‘Sonderweg’ as a ‘“ special path ”between east and west’ (Conrad 2012: 184). This view runs counter to that which emphasizes the modernity of the Kaiserreich, the relative strength of the bourgeoisie, and the fl ourishing of populist politics from the 1890s onward (Smith 2011: 24). On the notion that parts of Africa were terra nullius or land claimed by no state ’, therefore free for occupation by colonizers, see Betts (1972: vii). See also Stefan Manz’s definition of vacuum domicilium in this volume.

References Adelung, Johann Christoph (1811 [1793]), grammatical-critical dictionary of the high German dialect. Vienna. Agamben, Giorgio (2009), What Is an Apparatus? And other essays. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Ahadji, Amétépé Yawovi (2010), ‘Colonization, évangélisation et identité culturelle des Ewes au Sud Togo (1847–1914)’, in Christine de Gemeaux (ed.), Empires et Colonies. L’Allemagne, you Saint-Empire au Deuil Postcolonial. Clermont-Ferrand: Presses Universitaires Blaise Pascal, 185-206. Apoh, Wazi (2014), ‘The Archeology of German and British Colonial Entanglement’, Journal of Historical Archeology 17, 351-375. Apoh, Wazi (2016), ‘Ruins, Relics, and Research. Visible traces and noticeable consequences of the Prussian and German colonial past in Ghana ’, in German colonialism. Fragments of its past and present. Berlin: German Historical Museum, 92–99. Betts, Raymond (1972), "Introduction", in Raymond Betts (ed.), The "Scramble" for Africa: Causes and Dimensions of Empire. Lexington: D.C. Heath, vii-xxi. Bhabha, Homi K. (1994) The Location of Culture. London: Routledge. Blaut, James Morris (1992), The Colonizer’s Model of the World: Geographical Di ff usionism and Eurocentric History. New York: Guildford Press. Brand, Ulrich and Markus Wissen (2017), Imperial way of life. On the exploitation of humans and nature in global capitalism. Munich: oekom publishing house. Class, Heinrich (pseudonym Daniel Frymann) (1913 [1912]), If I were the Kaiser ’- Political Truths and Necessities, 4th edition. Leipzig: Dieterich’sche bookstore. Conrad, Sebastian (2011), ‘Wilhelmine Nationalism in Global Contexts: Mobility, Race, and Global Consciousness’, in Sven Oliver Müller and Cornelius Torp (eds), Imperial Germany Revisited: Continuing Debates and New Perspectives. New York: Berghahn, 281-296. Conrad, Sebastian (2012), German Colonialism: A Short History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Diel, Louise (1939), The colonies are waiting! Leipzig: Reclam.

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